Written by: Monalisa Changkija
Leaders of the Hualngoram People’s Organisation (HPO), according to a news report (The Assam Tribune, June 25, 2026), appealed for humanitarian assistance from the Zo Reunification Organisation (ZORO) following what they described as a rapidly deteriorating security situation along the India-Myanmar border due to renewed advances by Myanmar’s military in Chin State. The HPO administers the western Chin region known as ‘Hualngoram’ under the Chinland Council. Accordingly, an HPO delegation travelled to Aizawl earlier this week and held talks with ZORO leaders, according to ZORO sources on Wednesday. Reportedly, during the meeting, the HPO leaders briefed their counterparts on the latest developments in western Chin State, stating that the recent military offensive launched by Myanmar’s junta has significantly altered the security landscape in the region, adding that the junta forces have succeeded in recapturing several strategically important towns after deploying thousands of troops in a sustained counter-offensive.
The report further adds that, according to the delegation, these towns are located close to the Hualngoram-administered areas, and their capture has heightened fears that the military campaign could soon spread to settlements lying along the Mizoram-Myanmar border.
The HPO leaders reportedly expressed serious concern that three key localities situated near the international border could be the next targets of the Myanmar military, and that an attack by junta troops on them appears imminent and may be unavoidable.
Against this backdrop, the HPO delegation sought possible humanitarian assistance, particularly food supplies and health care, to help civilians who may be affected by fresh fighting. Responding to the appeal, ZORO leaders assured the visiting delegation that all possible humanitarian assistance would be extended. They also said Mizoram Health Minister Lalrinpuii had conveyed that health care-related support would be provided whenever required as part of humanitarian efforts. The latest developments come as Myanmar’s military government continues an intensified campaign, launched during the latter part of 2025, to regain control of key territories in Chin State that had fallen to resistance groups.
As is known, Myanmar has been reeling under the harshest of challenges since Myanmar’s 2021 military coup, and Mizoram has been providing shelter and all humanitarian assistance to the people living along its border areas ever since. Unfortunately, the military coup in our neighbouring country seems to have been deleted from our memory, and from that of the rest of the world. Well, what no longer makes the front page doesn’t jolt our conscience—if it does at all. Since 2021, more wars have been waged, and conflicts in regions deemed “unimportant” have been pushed to the inside pages, if they are mentioned at all. Such is the way of the power-crazed world, and the media simply move on to the “news” of the powerful. But the war in Myanmar obviously isn’t over, and its citizens continue to be affected by it.
But what do we care about a neighbour in distress, especially since our powers-that-be also don’t seem to care? It is doubtful whether our loud, noisy and garrulous media, who follow in the footsteps of our powers-that-be everywhere, have any reporters in Myanmar, much less bureaus. Four Northeastern states abut Myanmar, and together they share a longer border with that country than any other Indian state. Yet Myanmar has always remained on the periphery of our national consciousness despite our common colonial past and our racial, cultural and religious affinities. True, India has good relations with Myanmar, especially economically and developmentally, but as far as people-to-people relations are concerned, it is regrettable. This unhappy state of affairs is even worse vis-à-vis the people of the Northeast. Except for the four states bordering Myanmar, which have centuries-old racial, ancestral, cultural, religious, agricultural and economic ties, it is doubtful whether Myanmar actually exists in the consciousness of the rest of the Northeastern states. In fact, much of western Myanmar is inhabited by tribes torn asunder by borders and boundaries drawn by the British, thus separating blood brothers and making tribal land inaccessible to its rightful tribal owners. Adding insult to injury is the border fencing.
Mizoram standing steadfastly with its kin and kith from across the border is what one does for family. As is also known, Mizoram has been providing shelter and all humanitarian assistance to its counterparts, who have been severely affected by the Myanmar junta’s coup since 2021, and continues to do so. In fact, Mizoram defied the Central Government’s directive to all Northeastern states not to aid Myanmar refugees, on the ground that it could not turn its back on its brethren in need. So, unsurprisingly, it is instinctive for Mizoram’s Health Minister to have reportedly conveyed that health care-related support would be provided whenever required as part of humanitarian efforts.
That’s Mizoram. But it is not just racial, ancestral, cultural, religious, agricultural and economic relations, bonds and affinity. Mizoram is different. It signed India’s most successful truce—the Mizoram Peace Accord-on June 30, 1986. As Sudipta Bhattacharjee writes (“Quiet Peace”, The Telegraph, June 26, 2026), the Accord has been on a prolonged voyage, cresting on the hopes and sacrifices of an entire generation for forty years. She writes: “Four decades later, the Accord stands not merely as a political settlement but as a rare demonstration of how a wounded society can choose reconciliation over resentment.The Mizoram Accord achieved something extraordinary: it transformed former adversaries into stakeholders in a shared democratic future.” She further writes: “The Accord succeeded because it recognised the dignity of all parties while demanding difficult compromises from each of them.” The key phrases that describe Mizoram here are “reconciliation over resentment”, “shared democratic future”, “the dignity of all parties”, and “difficult compromises”, which, I believe, are foundational to Mizoram’s guiding principles, propelling this small and struggling state to embrace and provide succour to people in distress.
Bhattacharjee writes: “Mizoram remains one of India’s most peaceful and literate states-a reminder that reconciliation is possible even after prolonged conflict, built through trust, accommodation and political courage. The lesson of Mizoram is frequently invoked elsewhere in the Northeast and beyond. But the success of the Accord cannot be mechanically replicated. Its durability emerged from a unique convergence of political will, social cohesion and a collective desire to move beyond violence. Peace agreements survive not because they are flawlessly drafted but because societies choose to honour their spirit.” Yes, that’s Mizoram.
Decades before the Mizo Accord was signed, the people of this beautiful small state suffered untold misery and unimaginable privations. So they understand and empathise with the suffering of the people living along Myanmar’s western border. Since 2021, Mizoram has stood by the afflicted people of Myanmar because it simply cannot abandon its humanity, compassion, and civilizational and democratic ethos and values. I think that, besides the lessons of the Accord itself, this is the lesson that India, and particularly the Northeast, needs to learn.
Perhaps not on the same scale, but to give credit where it is due, Nagaland too has been standing by its people along the Myanmar border. The strength of tribal communities is that we do not leave anyone in need behind—wherever they may be. This reflects and resonates in our societal worldviews and interactions.
Monalisa Changkija is a Dimapur-based veteran journalist, poet and former Editor of Nagaland Page.